Leveraging the AfCFTA to promote inclusive migration reform in Algeria
Cover image of the Port of Algiers, by Chris Hunkeler via Flickr
Yacine Ait-Larbi

Although Algeria has not traditionally been a major migrant destination—serving more as a transit country—its strategic location at the crossroads of the Western, African, and Arab worlds could increase its significance. However, for now, Algeria’s strong emphasis on sovereignty has kept its migration policies relatively restrictive, mirroring the cautious approach seen in its economic landscape.
Algeria’s economy remains heavily dependent on oil, a vulnerability highlighted by years of decline until a recent temporary boost from rising hydrocarbon prices after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, as the EU sought alternative energy partners. This brief respite has intensified calls for economic diversification. The main challenge lies in balancing a cautious liberalisation to improve living standards while preserving economic sovereignty.
In this blogpost I argue that shifting towards a more open economy will bring migration to the forefront, as economic growth and the movement of people are closely linked—an aspect Algerian decision makers must consider alongside economic reforms. More specifically, I argue that Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs), such as the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA), offer Algeria a unique opportunity to revitalise migration discussions and break free from replicating European policies, such as the investment in aid and development to mitigate migration flows. Such new framing has the potential to challenge populist myths about migrants stealing jobs or undermining the welfare state, reconnect Algeria with its pan-African heritage, and counteract xenophobic sentiments.
Algeria’s Path to a More Open Economy: Migration is an Inevitable Step
While Algeria has taken steps to diversify its economy and reduce its dependence on the oil sector, which leaves it vulnerable to external shocks, the ultimate goal of this transition to a more open economy is to attract foreign and sustainable investments. Migration scholars, such as Hein de Haas and Michael Piore, have argued that migration is largely driven by labour market liberalisation, which in turn acts as a catalyst for economic transformation. As economies liberalise, they create more pathways—both legal and illegal—for low-cost labor, sought by corporations aiming to maximise profits while minimising costs. This highlights that Algeria’s path to a more open economy, even if gradual, cannot be separated from its side effects. As the country becomes more attractive to investors, it may likewise attract more migrants. Thus, Algeria should take a proactive approach and move beyond the current focus on securitisation, criminalisation, and the disposability of workers in a significant informal economy.
So far, Algeria’s internal migration discussions have focused on illegal sea crossings (‘haraga’), anti-smuggling efforts in the south, and assisted voluntary returns. Ultimately, the scattered debate on migration has overlooked the significant criticism Algeria has faced over the mass expulsions of African migrants to the south, often under very harsh conditions. These actions have considerably tarnished Algeria’s image as a supporter of pan-African unity. Currently, Algeria’s immigration legislation is largely punitive. Securing work visas and legalising residence is extremely difficult for many. The law includes harsh sanctions, such as deportation for illegal stay or transit and penalties for those who assist migrants, which has been strongly criticised. However, in practice, many West Africans, particularly Malians and Nigeriens, are ‘tolerated’ in the south and often find work in the construction sector and traditional local markets. Keeping these people in a legal grey area provides leverage to remove them when they are no longer needed, which is problematic.
The AfCFTA and its Free Movement Protocol: Toward A Pragmatic Approach to (Im)migration
To support such economic reforms, steps toward liberalisation will require flexibility and informed migration policy reforms, including legal migration pathways to curb smuggling. Market liberalisation creates job opportunities, including informal ones, often prompting people to cross borders, sometimes illegally, in search of economic prospects. This can lead to cycles of smuggling and illicit trade that are better addressed not through strict border closures but by enabling flexible cross-border movements. Closed borders tend to encourage long-term settlement, whereas more flexible policies, as seen between the southern regions of Algeria and Mali, allow people to engage in trade, earn livelihoods, and return home, fostering economic dynamism and reducing the incentives for illegal activity.
The African Free Continental Trade Area (AfCFTA) is a trade agreement designed to create a single market for goods and services across Africa. It aims to boost intra-African trade, reduce tariffs, and promote economic integration. The Protocol on Free Movement under the AfCFTA aims to facilitate the unrestricted movement of people, allowing Africans to travel, live, and work across the continent. As of today, 54 countries out of 55 signed the main agreement while 48 (including Algeria) deposited their instruments of ratifications. However, to date only four countries – Rwanda, Niger, Mali, and São Tomé and Príncipe – have ratified and deposited the Free Movement Protocol (FMP) with the African Union. Algeria has yet to even join the 32 countries that have signed it.
In the short term, the AfCFTA offers access to a large, emerging, and manageable African market, providing an opportunity to attract African investment that could help address service disparities in Algeria’s underserved southern regions, where transportation, healthcare, infrastructure, and education lag behind the north. Southern desert areas like Tamanrasset, In Salah, and Bechar—already familiar with circular migration from brotherly countries like Mali—could illustrate how economic investment, migration policy, and development intersect.
On the medium term, increased participation in AfCFTA could encourage Algeria to embrace its Free Movement Protocol (FMP). While wealthier African countries may fear increased migration from poorer nations, the benefits of mobility can outweigh these concerns. Facilitating mobility would benefit both incoming African migrants and Algerians seeking new opportunities across the continent, as shown by the East African Community (EAC) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). These two examples demonstrate that regional cooperation on migration has promoted economic growth, facilitated trade, and enhanced skills mobility. This, in turn, has strengthened regional integration through shared infrastructure and fostered social inclusion in countries of destination.
Emigration, Capabilities and Aspirations: A Shift Southward
Beyond the structural impact of agreements like the AfCFTA and its FMP on migration governance, these economic developments could also shift focus to Algerian mobility. By leveraging the AfCFTA and other PTAs with key economies in Africa, Asia, and the Arab world, Algeria must offer its youth fresh opportunities, serving as alternatives to the frequent visa rejections they face from the Global North. In spite of its high Human Development Index, Algeria had the highest number of rejected Schengen visa applications in Africa in 2023, revealing strong constraints on its citizens’ mobility. Furthermore, Algeria is ranked at the bottom quarter of the visa openness index in the African continent which further impedes policies promoting mobility.
In a country with a strong ‘culture of migration’, expending migration choices remains central. Expanding migration capabilities, Algeria could inspire aspirations that go beyond the current focus on Western destinations. The government can create emigration policies that support its economic reforms within the frameworks of AfCFTA and FMP, encouraging new migration routes across Africa. For example, ECOWAS has enabled Malian migrants to access a wide range of destinations, creating diverse migration networks that extend beyond colonial ties with France to include countries like Nigeria, Côte d’Ivoire, and Senegal. In a similar way, Algeria could benefit by promoting diverse migration pathways across the continent, lessening its reliance on Europe as preferred destination (because of colonial history, existing network, available knowledge). Reducing this dependency could also help curb dangerous, illegal crossings and tragic losses of life in the Mediterranean. The unresolved issue of harragas (‘those who burn’) has also tarnished Algeria’s image over recent years.
By leveraging the AfCFTA and its FMP, Algeria would encourage its citizens to explore opportunities across Africa – from Cairo to Pretoria, Dakar and Gaborone – contributing to local economies and bringing back valuable knowledge, while also benefiting from the expertise, products and capital of fellow African citizens. Despite being the third-largest economy in Africa, the country had one of the lowest shares of intra-African trade, highlighting a disconnect with the rest of the continent. To bridge this gap, Algeria could incentivise domestic small businesses and emerging start ups – an economic model the country aims to develop – and cultural exchanges within these frameworks, promoting Algerian products, partnerships, experience sharing, and joint ventures in African markets. This approach would empower Algerian entrepreneurs and professionals to build stronger networks while also countering divisive narratives, helping to reconnect the North with the so (wrongly) called ‘Sub-Saharan’ Africa.
Conclusion
To ensure a successful economic transformation, Algeria must balance security and sovereignty concerns with inclusive migration policies. Open debates on new economic policies must keep migrants protected, anticipated flows manageable, and the movement of people human-centred. Migration reforms may include rights-based provisions: protections for those who cannot be expelled, anti-discriminatory laws, granting work rights to refugees, and social protection for labour migrants to counter exploitation risks that we see in many liberalised markets. These steps are key to attract and retain talents, across all wage levels, particularly from Africa.
As the country aims to attract more investors, it will also need to manage the influx of job seekers, addressing their diverse needs and rights, such as family reunification, healthcare access, and education, beyond current provisions, especially in the southern regions of the country. Furthermore, economic development will highlight the need for enhanced mobility among Algerians as new aspirations and capabilities emerge. Algeria’s involvement in the Trans-Saharan Road Corridor project is precisely the type of initiative needed to facilitate the movement of goods and will be pivotal in enhancing the free movement of people in the long term. But to avoid the polarising narratives seen in Western migration debates, Algeria should promote a more informed public dialogue that reframes migration. as a natural path for any nation aspiring to prosperity.
About the author
Yacine Ait-Larbi is a Ph.D. Candidate at the University of Amsterdam. His doctoral research explores the connections between colonialism, social change, and migration systems. He worked for over five years in the field of migration, collaborating with international organisations such as IOM, UN Algeria and ODI. His interests focus on topics including migration theory, return and reintegration, regional migration policy harmonisation, and labour recruitment within post-colonial migration systems.

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